Netanyahu destroyed a barrier that exists 72 years: Israel in focus

By | September 11, 2020
Netanyahu destroyed a barrier that exists 72 years: Israel in focus

Saudi Arabia and Bahrain will allow all flights to and from Israel to use their airspace.
Such a statement was made on Wednesday, September 9, by White House senior advisor and son-in-law of U.S. president Jared Kouchner.
“They agreed to open their airspace not only for flights from Israel to the United Arab Emirates and back, but also for all flights to the east. This will save people a lot of time. It breaks down the barrier that has existed for 72 years already”, – emphasized Kushner.

In the past, Israeli airlines had to spend several hours to make flights bypassing the Persian Gulf and Iran. Permitting Saudia and Bahrain to use their airspace reduces the flight time from seven to 3.5 hours.

According to Kushner, Saudi airlines would also benefit if they were allowed to fly over Israeli airspace on their way to Europe. He also believes that the patience of Saudi Arabia and Arab countries towards the Palestinians could break.

“King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman take the Palestinians very seriously. They want the Palestinians to work honestly and improve the lives of their people. But again, they are going to do what is in the interest of Saudi Arabia, the Saudi people, and Muslims around the world, because they take it very seriously. Let’s see what happens and how long they want to do it. But many people are losing patience with the Palestinian leadership,” said the White House adviser.
He pointed out that the position of the League of Arab States is another sign that changes are happening in the Middle East.

“Countries support Palestinians. America supports the Palestinians. But people want to see a solution that is fair and right. They are not going to restrain their own progress,” he added.
Kouchner also explained that the signing ceremony of the peace agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates in the White House will be a bipartisan event that will bring together both Republicans and Democrats.

“This agreement has been highly appreciated by people on both sides, and hopefully this is an issue that may remain out of politics,” Kouchner stated. (
The portal published a weekly review of the political situation in Israel, prepared by journalist Gabi Wolfson.

The upcoming week is one of the most important in the political career of Benjamin Netanyahu. He will spend most of the week in the U.S., where, apparently, he will go on Sunday. The apogee of the visit will be the signing of the agreement on the normalization of relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. This agreement, which even the most acute critics of the Prime Minister rightly call historic, will allow the head of government not only to go down in history forever as the head of government of the Jewish state, who achieved a peace agreement with the Arab country without territorial concessions and without being tied to the eternal Palestinian problem but also will allow the head of government to forget for a short time about the two problems on which for many months now he has focused all his attention on the coronavirus epidemic and the approaching resumption of the judicial process. And in neither of these two confrontations, “nothing good threatens him.

When the decision to quarantine the “red” settlements was made at the end of last week, it seemed that what everyone had been waiting for so long had happened: the government had ceased to hesitate and hesitated and decided. Two days later, it turned out that it just seemed to happen. A letter from the mayors of cities with ultra-Orthodox populations, a hard meeting with Liceman, Gaffney and Deri – and the quarantine was replaced by a “night curfew. “You’re going to lose the next election,” Netanyahu was told by Ultra-Orthodox representatives. “You’re not wearing a wedge,” they told the prime minister and gave Beni Ganz a warm welcome in Bney Marriage. The head of Cahol Lavan did not limit himself to this but gave an interview to the Ultra-Orthodox media. All this was more of a demonstration for one viewer (Netanyahu) than the beginning of a real alliance, but the Ultra-Orthodox achieved their goal: no quarantine had been imposed on the “red” settlements. Instead, all of Israel received “holiday quarantine. “We must reckon with our coalition partners,” Deputy Health Minister Yoav Kish said. The whole country will pay the price for this.
“In any case, a general quarantine is inevitable. An attempt to introduce it only in “red” cities is only the first step towards more radical actions,” said a source in the ShAS. It is possible. All that is obvious is that the government’s decisions are dictated by political (to a greater extent than epidemiological) motives.

General quarantine will cost the Israeli economy a great deal. The Finance Ministry has published an estimate that a month’s quarantine will result in a loss of 20 billion shekels. Even if the estimate is overestimated, even if the quarantine does not last a month (and it should be remembered that military intelligence has published a report according to which quarantine of less than a month is ineffective), the figures are frightening.

The responsibility lies not only on Netanyahu. “Cahol Lavan, recall, motivated it’s joining the coalition, among other things, by the desire to “frame the shoulder” in the fight against coronavirus. This week, they again framed the shoulder of the government’s legal advisor and the entire legal system in the fight against the prime minister.

A report by Keshet journalist Amit Segal that looks like gross police and state prosecution failures spilled balm on Benjamin Netanyahu’s wounds. It is not known if these materials have any legal value, and one should not pay too much attention to the demands of coalition leader Mika Zoar to immediately close the “2000 case” because of the “conflict of interest” in which the police officer found himself. But as Professor Oded Mudrik told KAN RECA this week, the former head of the Tel Aviv district court, Netanyahu, is running two campaigns at once: one for the judiciary and one for the public. “It is too early to say what the consequences will be for the judicial campaign, but it is obvious that from the point of view of the public Netanyahu has acquired glasses. Cahol Lavan immediately “remembered,” that their task was to protect the “independence of the judiciary” and went into the attack. Last Wednesday’s speech by Justice Minister Avi Niskoren in the Knesset was unprecedentedly sharp. Equally unprecedented was the interference in the discussion of Knesset Speaker Yariv Levin. As a rule, the Speaker of the Parliament remained above the battle. Levin has broken this unwritten rule. The election campaign is in full swing.

Two camps are forming in Cahol Lavan more and more clearly. Beni Ganz seems to understand that his days as a political figure are numbered, and therefore maneuvers very carefully between criticism of Beniamin Netanyahu and willingness to compromise with him. Gabi Ashkenazi and Avi Nisankoren have taken a much more intransigent stance in their relations with the Prime Minister, focusing on future elections and on finding their niche that will allow them to remain in the political system. This split is very clearly reflected in the attitude towards Netanyahu’s demand for a personal law to overcome the veto of BAGATS. The head of government fears that after Beni Ganz assumes the post of the prime minister, the High Court of Justice will equate the post of changeable head of government with that of the minister. Under current law, a criminal defendant may remain prime minister, but not an ordinary cabinet member. Beni Ganz is inclined to accept Netanyahu’s demand in exchange for a guarantee of the rotation agreement. Ashkenazi and Nisankoren are categorically opposed. Political circles do not rule out that this demand was made by Netanyahu in the hope of a split in Cahol Lavan or Ganz’s refusal, which would give the prime minister another reason to break up the coalition.
The main opposition party, “Yesh Atid”, is also restless. The demand put forward by Ofer Shelagh to hold the primaries was unexpectedly supported by many in the faction for Yair Lapid. Even Ram Ben Barak, a man who was one of Lapid’s main “acquisitions”, stated that he intended to fight for the post of leader. Lapid had already announced that the elections would be held next year, but his opponents still believed that he would try to delay the process as long as possible. It is not yet known how Ofer Shelach will behave. Judging by the desert surrounding him at the last faction meeting, he has completed his career as a member of the Yair Lapid party. On the other hand, MEREC has already announced that it does not need his services as a potential leader. The creation of a new political structure will not benefit the left-wing camp. No Likud voter will vote for Yesh Atid because Shelagh left the camp. At the same time, there will be many Esh Atid and MEREC voters who will be happy to vote for Shelagh. Binyamin Netanyahu will benefit from this redistribution of votes.

While Netanyahu, Gantz, and Lapid are trampling on the spot, Naftali Bennett and the Yamin Block continue to increase in the polls. 21 mandate received by the right in the “Reshet” survey goes far beyond the boundaries of the national-religious sector. At the same time, the question is not only about the increase in number of mandates but also about the correspondence of the prime minister’s post. “The polls are like spirits – they are pleasant to smell but dangerous to drink”. Bennett is certainly early to hit the euphoria, but at the moment he is on his way to becoming a politician, on which the identity of the next Israeli Prime Minister will depend. Yamina” has a tendency to lose mandates as we approach the elections. Both Netanyahu and Lapid are counting on it. After the elections, and possibly before them, both will try to conclude an alliance with Bennett, and the word “rotation” will sound again. Never before has a religious politician been so close to the office of the prime minister. (

The portal “We are here” has published an analytical article by political scientist Dr. Vladimir Polyak entitled “But we make missiles… So what?

Israel produces the best missiles in the world for export but remains unprepared for a real missile war because of internal military strife and lack of strategy.

The claim “missiles do not win wars” has always been questionable, and today is clearly at odds with reality. Precision-guided missiles can paralyze the civilian and military infrastructure of entire countries, thereby paving the way for military victory.

In a recent review, Uzi Rubin, a leading researcher at the Center for Strategic Studies at Bar Ilan University and former head of the Missile Defense Department who led the Hets Project, analyses the history of missile weapons and the acute situation with their development in Israel.

From “Sea Lion” to “Medvedka-19”.

The appearance of high-precision missiles on the battlefield was a turning point in the history of military operations. They gave terrorist organizations the freedom to strike the enemy at their will. Previously, freedom of action was usually associated with the power of the air force, which achieved air superiority. But the point of this superiority is not to shoot down the enemy’s aircraft or destroy its air defense batteries, but to destroy the enemy’s military potential by destroying its land and naval forces and a powerful blow to its economy.

Each campaign in World War II began with a bid for air superiority. The Nazi Luftwaffe succeeded in doing so in Poland, Norway, and France, which led to the rapid defeat of their armies. But Germany failed to achieve air superiority in the Battle of England, and the Wehrmacht operation Sea Lion was postponed. This battle had far-reaching strategic consequences: it initiated the defeat of the Nazis.
In 1967, Israel began the Six-Day War with Air Force Operation “Moked” (“Focus”), which destroyed the air force of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Egypt under the leadership of Anwar Sadat tried to conduct a similar operation in October 1973, but failed to achieve superiority in the air and eventually failed to achieve its goals. During the operation to destroy Syrian air defenses in the Bekaa Valley “Medvedka-19” in the first Lebanese war, the Israeli Air Force ensured complete air superiority over Syria and Lebanon, thus defining the IDF victory.

The response to the development of the Air Force was to improve and deploy integrated air defense assets, which relied on interceptor aircraft and anti-aircraft artillery. The Battle of England was the first victory of that strategy when Britain managed to combine radars, fighter jets, and anti-aircraft batteries into the first modern integrated air defense system.

During World War II, when Britain’s air defense became virtually impermeable to the Luftwaffe, the Germans began developing Faux cruise missiles. This marked a major shift in strategy. In carrying it out, Germany achieved classic air superiority, namely the freedom to strike the enemy’s territory at will, without losing planes or pilots. But while Germans’ ballistic missiles wreaked havoc and killed thousands, their low accuracy prevented them from changing the course of the war.

The next key collision between the Air Force and Air Defense occurred in Southeast Asia, when the dense array of North Vietnamese ground-to-air missile launchers, backed by the use of interceptor aircraft, almost weakened the U.S. air superiority.

The next milestone in the clash occurred during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-88). Upgraded Soviet SKAD missiles, called Al-Hussein, were used by Iraq to strategically bomb Tehran and other major cities in Iran. These missile strikes were the last straw that forced Iran to agree to a ceasefire.

From Katyusha to super missiles.

Modern smartphones contain everything you need to accurately determine the coordinates, to drive both a car and a drone, as well as to point a missile. Within a decade, thanks to these technologies, even simple “Grades” have turned from unguided shells into high-precision missiles.

This technological shift makes the missiles as effective as aviation for precise strikes. Rockets with high-precision guidance are developed today by all major world powers, as well as many small states. In the Middle East, Iran is the leader in this field. It also provides its allies with opportunities to build its own precision-guided missile capability, hence the Hezbollah precision-guided missile project and the program for other pro-Iranian forces.

Once this project is implemented, it equates Hezbollah’s combat capability with that of many Middle Eastern state. Its high-precision missiles can paralyze any vital infrastructure or settlement in Israel.

One of the biggest advantages of high-precision missiles is the small area for launchers, which are very difficult to detect and destroy. In contrast, the Air Force has an Achilles heel in the form of huge airbases with runways, hangars, and so on. The vulnerability of giant stationary air bases to precision missile attacks was demonstrated during an Iranian missile strike in January 2020 against the U.S. air base Ein Assad in Iraq.
Hizbullah’s trick against IDF tricks

Once Hezbollah is equipped with high-precision missiles, it is obvious that it will be able to launch its own operation “Focus” at the initial stage of any future war with Israel by firing volleys of high-precision missiles and paralyzing airbases.

Israel’s defense systems – Iron Dome, David’s Pascha. (“Magic Wand”) and any future powerful laser air defense system is likely to be able to destroy most missiles, but not all. Against the threat of precision missiles, the defense is a necessary but not sufficient condition. Another response could be to diversify the offensive capabilities of the Air Force.

The project to create high-precision Israeli weapons has been underway for over a decade. Several high-precision ground-based missiles of different range and equipment were developed and tested in the Israeli defense industry. But to date, the IDF agreed to purchase only a limited number of missiles of one modification with the shortest range. Precision long-range missiles, such as the recently tested 400-kilometer LORA, are successfully exported to foreign armies but do not enter the IDF.
According to Uzi Rubin, this is the result of the army’s objections to allowing ground forces to deliver an accurate strike capability beyond 100 kilometers. But in that case, the barrier to building up the air force with “aircraft without planes” is not technological or operational obstacles, but rather the battle for the prestige and a defense budget.

Such interagency wars are not unique to the IDF. One of the most notorious stories occurred in u.s. when the air force fought as hard as it could against equipping the submarine fleet with ballistic missiles because it competed with their strategic bombers.

It is clear that Israel cannot afford this situation. However, the proposal to build an Israeli missile attack force a few years ago was rejected by the IDF. Today, high-precision missiles can win wars. In the expert’s view, Israel must do everything in its power to not only prevent damage from missile weapons but to use them to defeat its enemies.

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